Report at the international scientific conference (Vilnius, June 11, 2004)
"COOPERATION SECURITY OF BALTIC SEA REGION: THEORY AND PRACTICE "
“New Hansa Lines” - as an instrument of regional integration
EDELINA KALININA
President of the Non-Governmental Organization “New Hansa Lines”
The 21st century will begin only when existing problems are recognized in their entirety, and structures capable of solving them are formed.
With this aim in 2003 was created the non-governmental organization “New Hansa Lines”, that will promote the establishment of effective interactive mechanisms between non-governmental organisations to create a NEW HANSA regional community that could include the Scandinavian countries (Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark), the Baltic states (Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia), part of Poland, Northern Germany, cross-border oblasts of Russia, St. Petersburg, Novgorod, the northern ports – Murmansk and Nikel, Kaliningrad oblast and the cross-border areas of Belarus. The aim of this regional community would be the creation of an economically and socially integrated region with lasting cross-border ties.
The concept of creating a NEW HANSA regional space is a natural consequence of the transformation of the political landscape as a result of globalisation that will lead to major changes in key areas of international relations.
NEW HANSA as a Geopolitical Scenario of Latvia’s Development
Speaking about direction of Latvian foreign policy, taking into account Latvia’s place in the region, its historical legacy and geographical position, Latvia should pursue in its foreign policy not short-term benefits, but strategic goals. The objective circumstances show that Latvia will probably take part in a new global development scenario. This is determined by the fact that Latvia is neither a mononational nor monoconfessional country like Lithuania or Estonia (to the north of Estonia there are Lutheran countries, Lithuania is a Catholic country and is surrounded by Catholic states in the south). Latvia is simultaneously a
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Lutheran,
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Catholic,
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Russian Orthodox and
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Old Believers country.
This fact alone is enough to prove that Latvia can’t choose a simple development scenario, since these historical factors need to be taken into account.
Why NEW HANSA?
When the globalisation of the world economic system is discussed, usually the European Union is brought to the forefront as a new world leader of regional economic integration. At the same time, it is forgotten or knowingly disregarded that there is seldom or hardly ever a process occurring in the world that would be without its analogue. This analogue can be separated in time and space, can occur in parallel or be combined.
Why isn’t the EU a panacea, and why cannot it be a panacea, for all the problems of economic development of, for example, the Euro-Asian region? Firstly, because it cannot expand endlessly to all the parts of the world, to the East and to the South in particular, and secondly, because of the economic heterogeneity of the countries in these regions the process of enlargement would take too much time.
Therefore, based on the axiom of the common mechanism of world economic development, the Euro-Asian region should see “its own EU”, but on a different level of integration, which will function according to the same economic principles, but which will at the same time take into account the specific character of the Baltic region.
In any case, in any variant of development and interaction, NEW HANSA could become a dominating element of the national economies of the countries of the Baltic region and one of the main factors of their positioning in the world economy.
Following the path of unification, NEW HANSA, as part of united Europe will be the centre of European politics and a prototype of a sound and harmonious global system of security and development.
In this connection the establishment of NEW HANSA can be considered as a natural result of European globalisation, which alongside the dissemination of universal norms and values in the spheres of economics, management, politics and culture, will contribute to the formation of a new type of international regions, which would include both individual countries and parts of countries that share common interests with neighbouring states.
THE ADVANTAGES OF NEW HANSA
NEW HANSA means interaction within a global system of heterogeneous and diverse
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national,
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civilisation,
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religious,
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political and
other components.
NEW HANSA is a region with relatively low political risks that is beneficial for investment.
NEW HANSA is the classical freedom of movement of goods, people and capital, as opposed to borders, rules, visas, tariffs, etc. which create many problems. The development of a common economic space should start with the free movement of people around the Baltic Sea.
PROSPECTS of economic and cultural Integration of NEW HANSA member states
The future of NEW HANSA is linked to the need for global economic, cultural and ethnic integration in the region.
All the prerequisites for this process are in place:
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a common past,
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historical closeness of countries and people,
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centuries-old cultural and economic ties.
This will be possible because at the current stage the outline of new world interaction is formed, accordingly the global-scale multicultural environment will also be formed both globally and at the regional level.
Since NEW HANSA is a system of effective ties between
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the states,
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separate regions of the states,
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representatives of private business,
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political and public figures
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non-state organisations
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mass media structures,
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ethnic diasporas
such multilevel organisation of interaction means that in the future the outline of a new world interaction will be formed (both globally and regionally).
The distinction between home and foreign policy will be removed. Politicians will pay special attention to such global problems as ecology, international crime and epidemics. Energy, technology and transport policy will no longer be an internal problem, it will become an international issue. The aspects of foreign policy that were traditionally referred to as “low-key diplomacy” – trade, technology, unified taxation – will acquire more importance at the cost of “high-key diplomacy” – national security, military crises, etc. The content of security policy will change accordingly. The role of soft security, i.e., security related to finance, poverty, ethnic conflicts, will become more prominent.
That is why the successful development of the region will depend on how well neighbouring countries are able to build relationships on the basis of cultural similarity and common economic interests, rather than on the basis of differences in defence and political priorities.
In order for the politics from different sides not to become an inhibitory factor for commercial and economic partnership, it is necessary to combine the efforts of non-state organisations and private capital on certain issues of a geostrategic nature.
It is not enough to talk only about free trade, free flow of capital and services. The formation of a new world outlook among all the stakeholders will be necessary to promote cultural rapprochement and cultural integration in the region.
The Baltics has for centuries been known as a region characterised by a
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multicultural society with
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progressive views and
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ethnic tolerance.
So, all the above-mentioned is a good basis for the processes of cultural rapprochement and for the formation of a new worldview among all the stakeholders.
GEOPOLITICS and SECURITY of NEW HANSA
The real threats for the European countries of today are, the mafia, drugs and illegal immigration. For this reason, security in Europe and in the region of the NEW HANSA community should be jointly provided by the Ministries of Internal Affairs, frontier and customs services. That is why the intergovernmental commissions and bilateral agreements between custom houses, frontier guards and Ministries of Internal Affairs are the paths which lead to greater general and individual security.
As regards the security of the Baltic region, since the main area for the integration of military and political interests is, naturally, the Baltic Sea, so the issues of confidence-building measures and control over naval activities become especially important. Today the naval forces remain a universal and weighty argument of foreign policy, since they are the only element that is not included in the process of reducing the armed forces in Europe.
Another highly relevant issue is the chemical weapons which lie buried in the Baltic Sea. It is estimated that about twenty thousand uncleared mines were left in the sea after the Second World War.
In general, the analysis of global integration processes leads to the conclusion that in the new geopolitical situation the concept of Security itself is being transformed. Since one of the consequences of globalisation is the active involvement of financial and industrial organisations, mass media organisations and ethnic diasporas in international relations, the fact of globalisation and the emergence of global markets can be considered as a result of the activity of economic entities, not the state. In future this tendency will result in the state assuming a passive role under conditions of total economic globalisation, while the active role will go to global economic entities and global markets that will take over a number of functions carried out previously by the state. That is, if globalisation is defined as the “political shaping of business interests”, it becomes clear that business requires a new political platform. This new political platform can mean the following: the concept of globalisation includes the cross-border movement of four things: ideas, people, financial instruments and goods. If ideas and financial instruments can be moved “in a more or less simple way”, the movement of people and goods requires the creation of a specific infrastructure. When creating this infrastructure, it is necessary to think, first of all, about ensuring the security of the infrastructure. Nowadays security is mostly considered to be a priority of the Ministry of Defence. However, in the era of globalisation the concept of security becomes much wider, since globalisation means not only economic and political contact, but also the contact between communities and cultures. That is why in conditions of globalisation the top priority for all the countries of the Baltic region should be a respectful dialogue on security issues in the region as a whole, a dialogue including all the variants for providing this security. The dialogue should not be restricted to the questions of military security. It will be complex in character. Each country of the Baltic region can offer its own variants for ensuring security in the Baltic Sea region. As regards the EU, it is worried not by the methods but by the results. Moreover, although the EU today is perceived as the provider of security, its member states are not always able to develop a common stance.
Therefore, in order that differences between supporters of European defence and Atlantic solidarity do not in the future significantly impede the development of this identity in the sphere of security in the region of the Baltic Sea, the “New Hansa Lines” organisation will promote understanding of the new realities in relation to security issues, and will to this end involve interested groups of the public, lobby groups and research institutes from the Baltic and other regions in developing solutions in the sphere of security of New Hansa.
Taking into account the historically complex fact that some countries of “Eurasian orientation” geographically belong to the Baltic region, the “New Hansa Lines” organisation considers it possible to promote a restructuring of the path of the interaction in a new geopolitical situation and outline the direction of possible dialogue in the sphere of security between geopolitically predetermined sides, that represent different axes.
NEW HANSA as an active force in the EUROPEAN ECONOMIC SPACE
In order for the economic space of the Baltic Sea region to become part of a wider European economic space, the European Union itself should play an important role at the next stage of integration. It is important that the NEW HANSA is integrated into the common European space not as a province, but as an active force that will influence the rapprochement of East and West. Given all the importance of the European Union, Brussels should not seek to become a monopoly as regards the development of the Baltic region. Decisions should be taken only with the countries of this region and the existing regional organisations of these countries.
As the “Northern Dimension” project has hitherto not brought any tangible results (on the one hand, there are no specific projects, with the exception of environmental and IT projects, on the other hand, there is a lack of co-ordination of interregional and interdepartmental interests) - i.e. there is no Centre that could promote such co-ordination - it would be advisable to create such a “New Hansa Centre” to pool the funds of different programmes for the financing of major NEW HANSA cross-border projects.
It is also desirable that “New Hansa Lines” programmes are financed from the EU structural funds and by the European Investment Bank. The regional aspect should be given more attention in the bilateral assistance programmes of the NEW HANSA countries.
Geopolitical view of the future of NEW HANSA countries
The Baltic region is geographically very compact and each nation, each state in it has a historically predetermined role, the fulfilment of which will bring maximum economic benefits to each individual country and to the region as a whole.
Today, in the epoch of globalisation the idea of strategic independence, be it from foreign ports or pipelines, is no more than a populist, pseudo-patriotic statement, based on a myth of the economic independence of a individual country. What independence can we speak of in an epoch of pooling of international financial resources, in the epoch of economic integration?
It is time to stop speculating about non-existent contradictions and to take real steps that will help to create a new, harmonious community.
The ways of NEW HANSA states should revive, intersect and become visible.
(Vilnius, 11 June, 2004)